Tuesday, December 31, 2019

Stevensons The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde Essay

Stevensons The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde Firstly, telling The Strange Case of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde from Dr Jekylls point of view would have presented a number of problems. The elements of tension provided by telling the story from others points of view would be lost, and therefore the definitive style of the book would have to be changed for one less exciting, and the plot would progress far slower. Also, telling the story from different peoples perspectives makes the text physically longer, and although this isnt an essential quality, without the length the story may have been regarded as a short story and not received so much acclaim. Most of the tale is told from the†¦show more content†¦This Darwinism was very fashionable, and people were obsessed with the idea of physical change and metamorphosis in people. It was also popular to lead two lives, one as a respectable member of society, and the other, an after hours life. Without the perspectives of Jekyll (Dr Jekylls Full Statement of the Case) and Lanyon (Dr Lanyons Narrative), the dual lives of Jekyll and Hyde would never be discovered. This would have made the book far less admired, as the attractive principles of mutation and change would have been missing from the book. The appealing idea of a first person perspective of a person leading two lives; and two such abnormal lives; would be lost, and with it the appeal of the book. In Chapter 1, the book begins with Uttersons point of view, but with a story told by Uttersons friend, Enfield. If Stevenson had chosen to tell the story from Uttersons perspective, this chapter would not have changed, although it is very useful in giving a first impression of the detestable Hyde, and gives the reader an example of a Victorian phrase for doctor, sawbones. Chapter 2 shows another example of the popular double lives of some Victorian people, as Utterson leaves his house in the middle of the night, which throws a sense of mystery and secrecy into the character of Utterson. Also, when Utterson meets Llanyon, he seems far tooShow MoreRelated Robert Louis Stevenson’s The Strange Case of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde2544 Words   |  11 Pagesâ€Å"The Strange Case of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde† is a gothic horror novella written by Robert Louis Stevenson in the Victorian era. The novella follows a well-respected doctor - Henry Jekyll - and his struggle between good and evil when he takes a potion and becomes Mr Hyde. Robert Louis Stevenson - the author of the novella â€Å"The Strange Case of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde†- was born in Edinburgh in 1850 and died at the young age of forty-four. He wrote the book in 1886. As a child he was very closeRead More Stevensons Use of Literary Techniques in The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde1060 Words   |  5 PagesStevensons Use of Literary Techniques in The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde In his novella Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde, Robert Louis Stevenson explores the dual nature of Victorian man, and his link with an age of hypocrisy. Whilst writing the story he obviously wanted to show the people of the time what happened behind closed doors. In Jekylls suicide note he makes the following observation I have observed that when I wore the semblance of Edward Hyde, none could come near toRead MoreMans Duality in R.L. Stevensons The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde1820 Words   |  8 Pagestheme of mans duality in R L Stevensons The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde The story Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde portrays mans duality to perfection. This story can be classified as Science Fiction. He scientist Dr Jekyll wants to have self-satisfaction that he can master two personalities with perfection. The Victorian Society is the backdrop of this novel and the moral code turns people into hypocrites because they lead double lives. Dr. jekyll is a renowned doctor and a scientistRead MoreStevensons Representation of Good and Evil in The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde1522 Words   |  7 PagesStevensons Representation of Good and Evil in The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde In this piece of coursework, I am asked to first of all, discuss how the novel is mainly concerned with the struggle between good and evil. Next, I will be moving on to discovering the historical, social, and cultural issues of the novel; this will discus what Stevensons literary influences were. Subsequently, I will be exploring the actual evil character oh Mr. Edward Hyde; thisRead MoreStevensons Use of Literary Techniques in The Strange Case of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde2427 Words   |  10 PagesStevensons Use of Literary Techniques in The Strange Case of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde Robert Louis Stevensons Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde tells of how a scientist abuses his knowledge so that he can become another being but the double he becomes is one that cannot be directly blamed for his crimes and actions. Throughout the story Stevenson uses many different literary techniques to convey how the characters feel. These can be categorized into many different themes: theRead MoreStevensons Use of Technique to Present Character and Atmosphere in The Strange Case of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde3297 Words   |  14 PagesStevensons Use of Technique to Present Character and Atmosphere in The Strange Case of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde ‘The Strange Case of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde’ by the young Robert Louis Stevenson was published in 1886. The story, which concerns the way in which an individual is made up of different emotions and desires, some good and some evil is told from the point of view of John Utterson. Mr Utterson is a lawyer and friend to the respected and brilliant scientist, Dr. HenryRead MoreThe Case Of Dr. Jekyll And Mr. Hyde1052 Words   |  5 PagesLouis Stevenson’s Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde. Apart from being an exceptional Gothic work, Stevenson’s novella is an excellent critique of the hypocrisy that dominated the Victorian era. In his novella, Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde, Robert Louis Stevenson uses the characters of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde to expose the double standards and moral pretensions that governed Victorian society. Dr. Jekyll, the protagonist in Stevenson’s Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde, is theRead MoreThe Strange Case Of Dr. Jekyll And Mr. Hyde Essay975 Words   |  4 PagesLouis Stevenson’s The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde is a novella that follows the basic outline established by Mary Shelley in Frankenstein. However, Stevenson’s monster is not created from body parts but comes from the dark side of the human personality. In both novels, a man conducts a secret experiment that gets out of control. The result of these experiments is the release of a double, or doppelganger, which causes damage to their creator. While most people think that The Strange CaseRead MoreAnalysis Of The Book Where Dr. Jekyll 1163 Words   |  5 PagesBrodie and Dr. Knox were both from Edinburgh and both lived â€Å"double-lives†, this undoubtedly had a major impact upon Stevenson’s imagination and later his writings. (Stefan 5) â€Å"While growing up Stevenson had a friend and the son of Sir James Simpson, the developer of medical anesthesia, the two friends would â€Å"experiment† with chloroform, for the enjoyment of it.† (Stefan 5) This experimenting carries a familiarity with it that would later be found in the character of Dr. Jekyll in Stevenson’s novel,Read MoreThe Strange Case Of Dr. Jekyll And Mr. Hyde : Literary Review1515 Words   |  7 PagesThe Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde: Literary Review The Romantic era was plagued with class conflict, poverty, and labor issues. The Victorian novel allows those who had access to them discover and focus on moral issues with society. Among the novel that were created during the era, the genre of a gothic novella emerged. Well knowns gothic novellas included Frankenstein, The Picture of Dorian Gray, and The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde. Robert Stevenson’s gothic novella The Strange

Sunday, December 22, 2019

Reforming Immigration Reform - 732 Words

Reforming Immigration Reform Problem Definition In what could arguably have been the shot heard around the world during the 2012 election year, President Obama in June issued an executive order suspending deportations of low-priority undocumented immigrants under the age of 30 (Office of the Press Secretary, 2012). The order targeted young Hispanics who had been brought to the United States by their parents years ago, the so-called Dreamers. During the rest of the campaign, Obama spent considerable time courting the minority vote based on the assumption that his position on immigration reform would be more appealing to Hispanic voters than his opponents (Boyer, 2012). His gamble seems to have paid off. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) is at the heart of the debate over immigration reform, since federal policies that control paths to citizenship, border security, and deportations of illegal immigrants are mediated by DHS agencies. These agencies include Customs Border Protection, Citizenship Immigration Services (CIS), the Coast Guard, and Immigration Customs Enforcement (ICE) (DHS, 2012). A recently released report from the Migration Policy Institute highlighted the effects of a de facto enforcement first immigration policy that has emerged in the federal government (Meissner, Kerwin, Chishti, and Bergeron, 2013). The primary components of this policy are border security, visa controls, data collection, workplace purges, detention, deportation,Show MoreRelatedThe U.S. Flawed Immigration System Must be Reformed Essay567 Words   |  3 PagesMichael McCaul SUBJECT: Immigration Reform The issue of illegal immigration has daunted this nation for many years. Currently, there are 11 million illegal immigrants living in the United States. Immigration reform is necessary, but amnesty is not. Last year, the United States Senate passed the ‘Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization Act’ by a vote of 68-32. If this bill becomes law, America will still not have fixed it’s illegal immigration issue. There are many flawsRead MoreImmigration Reform Of The United States1641 Words   |  7 PagesTutor: Institution: Immigration Reform ​Immigration is defined as the act of leaving your country of origin and going to another different one to stay there permanently (Dictionary.com). Reasons, why people escape or leave their original countries, are varied; ranging from war, poverty, natural occurrences such as earthquakes while others just take the step for fun purposes. A reform is a change from the way things were done originally and make them better. Therefore, immigration reform is a term thatRead MoreThe American Immigration System is Broken Essay923 Words   |  4 PagesOn contemporary society, immigration reform is enjoying an increasingly high voice among people. American immigration system is broken. Too many employers take advantage of the system by hiring undocumented workers which currently are estimated at 11 million. This is not good for the economy nor the country. Imaging a day without these undocumented workers in United States. No bus driver, farm worker, cooker, nurse, construction worker, w aiter, house keeper, gardener or nanny can be found. NobodyRead MoreMarco Rubio s Presidential Election905 Words   |  4 Pagesmajority leader and then speaker of the House three years after becoming majority leader. The first reason why Marco Rubio is a great candidate for president, is his stand on immigration. He wants people to come to the United States to have a better life, but he wants them to do it legally and fair. â€Å"We have a legal immigration system that s outdated and needs to be modernized so we can win the global competition for talent. We have millions of people living in this country illegally, many of whomRead MoreAnti- Immigration Attitudes in America Essay608 Words   |  3 Pagestreatment of immigrants and foreigners today, and must be changed by first changing the anti-immigrant attitudes in America. The social structures of politics and laws affect both immigrants and U.S. citizens alike and can only be changed by reforming America’s immigration system. Racial prejudice and nativism are still social issues that define our present reality and affect us all. Everyday, immigrants in America find themselves victims of hate crimes like genocide because of their race and ethnicity (WongRead MoreNational Peace Essay1334 Words   |  5 Pageseconomic stability. Revolutions have paved pathways for renaissance and creation. However, if the country does not set a firm pathway outlining rights and rules, it may find itself back in a similar situation. That is precisely why security sector reform plays such a huge role in a countries well-being. Many security sectors in dictating countries are used to macabre displays of superiority to maintain control. Turning the security sector into trustworthy and approachable is no menial task, but itRead MoreUndocumented Immigrants Should Not Be A Citizen Of The United States1574 Words   |  7 Pagesto claim for themselves would be detrimental to our relatively new and fragile country. Today, it’ s a question President Barack Obama and Congress have been trying to answer. As the President and lawmakers, alike, negotiate the contours of an immigration reform bill, they should keep in mind that the granting of legal status to undocumented immigrants would be a boon for the United States’ economy. Moreover, allowing undocumented immigrants to become U.S. citizens would be equally beneficial to AmericaRead MoreThe Eu Summit On Immigration And Asylum Policy1486 Words   |  6 Pages1. Statement of Issue/Problem The general topic of the EU Summit is reforms on immigration and asylum policy within the EU, specifically regarding the Schengen agreement and the Dublin II Regulation. France, Denmark, and Netherlands propose to alter the Schengen area agreement in order to allow member states a greater amount of control over their national borders in the event of a sudden influx of third country nationals arriving to the country without authorization. Debate over the effectivenessRead MoreThe State Of Californi An Alternative Means Of Handling The Concerns Over Immigration1436 Words   |  6 Pagesconcerns over immigration. On August 26th of this year, the president of Mexico paid a visit to California. President Nieto toured the state for two days, delivering speeches directed towards the Mexican immigrants living there. In many of the speeches he delivered while on the tour, Nieto mentioned that both the government of Mexico and leaders in California are going to make substantial contributions towards reforming the treatment of immigrants in the state. They want to reform the life of MexicanRead MoreIllegal Immigration Law740 Words   |  3 Pagesdirector of immigration asserted that human appeared to break with one of Donald’s key campaign assertions that the aliens residing in the United States commit more crimes than the Americans do. Immigrants with criminal records are thus presented with challenging situations, which may increase scrutiny (Morawetz 24). What complicates the matter even though the directive seems to have come from U.S. president is that no law constitutes a criminal alien in the United States immigration laws? Correction

Saturday, December 14, 2019

Technology and economy Free Essays

In his book Nomads of South Persia, Frederik Barth (1967) descibes the social, political and economic structure of the Basseri tribal group. This essay aims to summarize the details on the environment, technology, shelter, transportation, economy, and distribution and consumption of goods and services of the Basseri tribe as explicated by Barth (1961). First of all, the Basseri tribe of the Khamseh Confederacy occupies the region from the Persian Gulf to the desert ranges of Lar. We will write a custom essay sample on Technology and economy or any similar topic only for you Order Now The climate in these areas is hot and dry. However, during winter it is cold in the highlands while it is slightly cold in the grasslands. There are four seasons of the year such as winter, spring, summer, and fall in this part of the world. The geographical structure of the land is mountainous from 2,000 to 3, 000 feet above sea level and its mountains are as high as 13, 000 feet. Water in this area comes from rainfall. The amount of rainfall is higher during the winter unlike the amount of rainfall during spring. This water causes vegetation such as sugar cane, dates, fruits and vegetables to grow. These foods together with flour are consumed by the Basseri people. As nomads, the Basseri tribe raises animals such as sheep, goats, donkeys, camels and horses. This animal husbandry causes them to move from one place to another based on the needs of their animals. These animals have varied uses for the tribe. Goats and sheep are useful to the Basseri people for their milk, meat, wool and skin. On the other hand, camels, horses and donkeys are used for transportation especially during the time of migration. In addition to this, camels share a part of the tribe’s source of wool. Even when the Baserri ethnic group is nomadic, it uses technology in the form of its tools and systems. One system is in making butter and buttermilk out of sour milk. This process is done by storing milk in a goatskin placed on a tripod to churn milk into sour milk. Next is the use of wool in weaving and making of ropes. Another is when wool is processed by spinning it on spindle whorl. Lastly, a technology they utilize in continuously producing healthy milk is by placing a small stick through the mouth of a lamb to press down its tongue and is stuck in place with stings (Barth, 1961, 7). Likewise, the Basseri people live in tents which are considered the basic social and economic unit of the tribe. The tents are well-made and are woven out of wool. Tents are usually made when a man and a woman gets married. The mothers of the couple are the ones who weave the tent. Then, the couple begins their lives as a separate unit when they live in the tent. In addition, the Basseri use donkeys, horses and camels for transportation. Donkeys are used to carry women and children. Horses are ridden by men. Camels transport heavy objects or things. Consequently, when it is time for the Basseri to move out from one location to another, they use animals as means of transportation. These animals are the camels, horses and donkeys. When they migrate, the family members ride on the donkeys, camels or horses which are already laden with the family’s belongings while one family member walks by foot in order to guide their herd of animals. Barth (1961) does not mention about the Basseri tribe travelling on water maybe because they are basically land-based. Furthermore, the Basseri’s economy is based on their cyclical migratory patterns. They are known to be â€Å"pastoralists† for they move to the high lands during the summer season and they transfer to the plains during the winter season due to the presence or absence of pasture that their animals need (Microsoft Student). As previously mentioned, they raise sheep, goats, camels, donkeys and horses which are done by the male members of the tribe. The women, alternatively, are the ones who plant vegetation. The division of labor in the tribe is grounded on the age and sex of the person. However, there are certain tasks which are stereotypical to gender. Domestic work in the form of household chores is the task only for the girls and women of the tribe. These tasks may be preparing food, washing dishes, washing clothes, spinning wool and weaving tents. On the other side, boys and men are mainly assigned to provide water and wool, and to repair damaged equipment and tents. They also watch over the herd and they lead their animals and their family when migrating. They might be allowed to help prepare food, or wash clothes but are not allowed to participate in spinning or weaving. Just like any economic system, the people of the tribe distribute goods and services within its constituents. It employs a system of reciprocity where everyone works and contributes for the mutual benefit of everyone in the tribe. The distribution of goods and services similar to the division of labor starts within each household. In the family, each member, depending on the gender, has a task to accomplish and this task has an implication to economy. For example, when women or men milk the sheep, there is an effect to their economy or when the men look after the herd. There is also distribution of goods or services to outsiders as they trade off externally to other tribes and other markets. They also purchase or trade clothing materials, ready-made clothing and footwear, cooking tools, and glass (Barth, 1961, 9-10). Finally, the Basseri ethnic group is an egalitarian society because they do not put emphasis on material goods or wealth especially that they do not have a permanent place to stay. Their concept of wealth and property is focused on the livestock that a family possesses. They consume the meat of sheep and chicken and milk from the sheep. To sum it up, the Basseri tribal people dwell in areas where their animals can find pasture and they move out when this is no longer available. They have their own economic system and they use low technology. They are also not too concerned about their economic status due to their migratory life. References Barth, F. (1961). Nomads of South Persia. Waveland Press: Long Grove, IL. Pastoralism. (2007). Microsoft ® Student 2008 [DVD]. Redmond, WA: Microsoft Corporation. How to cite Technology and economy, Essay examples

Friday, December 6, 2019

Brady Bill And Its Passage Essay Research free essay sample

Brady Bill And Its Passage Essay, Research Paper Brady measure and its passageIntroductionThe legislative procedure in the United States Congress shows us an interesting play inwhich a measure becomes a jurisprudence through via medias made by diverse and sometimes conflictinginterests in this state. There have been many controversial measures passed by Congress, butamong all, I have taken a peculiar involvement in the transition of the Brady measure. When the Bradydebate was in full swing in Congress about three old ages ago, I was still back in my state, Japan, where the ownership of guns is purely restricted by Torahs. While watching televisionnews studies on the Brady argument, I wondered what was doing it so hard for this gun controlbill to go through in this gun force ridden state. In this paper, I will follow the measure # 8217 ; s seven yearhistory in Congress, which I hope will uncover how partizan political relations played a important function in theBrady measure # 8217 ; s transition in this policy doing subdivision. We will write a custom essay sample on Brady Bill And Its Passage Essay Research or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page The Brady measure took its name from Jim Brady, the former imperativeness secretary of PresidentReagan, who was shot in the caput and partly paralyzed in the blackwash effort on thepresident in 1981. This measure was about a waiting period on pistol purchases leting constabulary tocheck the backgrounds of the prospective purchasers to do certain that guns are non sold toconvicted criminals or to those who are mentally unstable. Even the advocates of the measure agreedthat the consequence of the measure on controling the gun force might be minimum sing the fact that themajority of guns used for condemnable intents were purchased through illegal traders. However, the Brady Bill represented the first major gun control statute law passed by Congress for morethan 20 old ages, and it meant a important triumph for gun control advocates in their manner towardeven stricter gun control statute law in the hereafter. Gun Rights V. Gun ControlThe Brady measure, the Brady Handgun Violence Prevent ion Act, was foremost introduced byEdward F. Feighan ( D-OH ) in the House of the100th Congress as HR975 on February 4,1987. The measure was referred to the Judiciary Committee, and the argument began. Throughout thedebate on the Brady measure, there was ever a clear partizan split ; most of the Democrats, exceptfor those from the Southern provinces, supported the measure while most of the Republicans were in theopposition. For illustration, when the foremost introduced Brady measure lost to an amendment by BillMcCollum ( R-FL ) for a survey of an instant cheque system ( 228-182 ) , most Republicans votedfor the McCollum amendment ( 127 for and 45 against ) while the bulk of the Democratsvoted against it ( 127 for and 137 against ) . The exclusion was the Southern Democrats most ofwhom joined the Republicans to vote for the amendment. This party division was non sosurprising, nevertheless, sing the immense run parts made by the main gun anteroom, the National Rifle Association ( NRA ) , directed largely to the Republicans, and the exclusion ofthe Southern Democrats could be explained by the gun right supportive nature of theirconstituents. In the 1992 election for illustration, this organisation made $ 1.7 million contributionto its sympathetic congressional campaigners and spent another $ 870,000 in independentexpenditures for congressional races.1 The influence the NRA exercised on the statute law wasenormous since the concluding measure passed in 1993 was a via media version reflecting some of theNRA-sought commissariats. I could state that it was because of this relentless anteroom that the Bradybill took every bit long as 7 old ages to go a law.On the other side, the advocators of the measure enjoyed a broad support from the populace aswell as from the Handgun Control Inc. , the main gun control anteroom led by Sarah Brady, the wifeof James Brady. The consistent public support for the measure from the debut through thepassage of the measure was manifested by many polls. One of the polls conducted by NBC Newsand Wall Street Journal on the passage of the measure said that 74 per centum of the 1,002respondents agreed that # 8220 ; the jurisprudence is good but more is needed. # 8221 ; 2 It is without inquiry that thispublic support played a important function in the eventual transition of the bill.The Brady measure passed the House in the 102nd CongressAfter about four old ages from its first debut to the Congress, the Brady measure wasreintroduced to the House in the 102nd Congress as HR 7 on January 3, 1991, sponsored by76 representatives including Feighan, William J Hughes ( D-NJ ) , and Charles Schumer ( D-NY ) .The measure was referred to the Judiciary Committee, and the hearings began in the JudiciarySubcommittee on Crime on March 21, 1991. As written, this measure required a weeklong waitingperiod on the pistol purchases. Schumer, the president every bit good as the head patron of the measure, explained before the Subcommittee that the Brady measure # 8220 ; has a really simple intent: to maintain lethalhandguns out of the custodies of people who shouldn # 8217 ; Ts have them.3 # 8243 ; Aside from the house supportfrom the populace, the measure besides gained the backup from the former president Reagan who, in atribute to James Brady, said that it is # 8220 ; merely kick common sense that there be a waiting period toallow local jurisprudence enforcement functionaries to carry on background cheques on those who wish to purchase ahandgun. # 8221 ; 4 This Reagan # 8217 ; s comment was important since he had long been a member of theNRA. On April 10, the Subcommittee approved to direct the measure to the Judiciary Committee bythe ballot of 9-4. The ballots were clearly divided along the party line with the exclusive exclusion ofF. James Sensenbrenner Jr. ( R-WI ) , one of the few GOP protagonists of the measure, who joined theDemocrats to vote for it. In the interim, the lobbying by both sides had inte nsified. The NRAclaimed that the measure went against the rule of the Constitution, indicating out the SecondAmendment which says: # 8220 ; A good regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to maintain and bear Weaponries, shall non be infringed. # 8221 ; They argued that it wasnot the guns but the people who committed offenses, stating that tougher sentences for thecriminals would work better than the waiting period in cut downing offenses. On the other manus, James Brady was buttonholing intensely in his wheelchair supported by his-wife-led HandgunControl Inc. , which had an emotional entreaty to other members of Congress.In the Judiciary Committee, Harley O. Staggers Jr. ( D-WV ) , pushed by the NRA, proposed a replacement measure ( HR 1412 ) which would necessitate provinces to put up an instant checksystem so that gun traders could happen out instantly on a telephone call whether the purchaserhad a condemnable record without an y delay. The Staggers # 8217 ; alternate, nevertheless, reminded many ofthe McCollum amendment that wrecked the Brady measure in 1988. With the recognition ofthe Attorney General, Dick Thornburgh, that the practical usage of such instant cheque systemwould be old ages away,5 the Staggers # 8217 ; replacement was rejected by the Committee by the ballot of11-23. The commission so proceeded to vote on the Brady measure ( HR 7 ) , O.K.ing it by the 23-11 ballot. On May 8, the Staggers # 8217 ; amendment was rejected once more ( 193-234 ) on the floor. TheHouse went on to O.K. the weeklong waiting period Brady measure by the ballot of 239-186, puting it on the Senate calendar on June 3. Argument in the SenateIn the Senate, the advocates of the Brady measure, including the Majority Leader George J. Mitchell ( D-ME ) , were working hard to maintain the Brady linguistic communication portion of the omnibus crimelegislation ( S-1241 ) which had already been passed by the House-Senate conf erencecommittee. Ted Stevens ( R-AK ) proposed an amendment to replace the waiting period with aninstant-check system. This amendment was really much similar to the Staggers # 8217 ; proposal made inthe House, guaranting that the possible purchasers who were eligible for the purchase would non haveto delay to purchase a gun. Stevens and other GOP oppositions argued that the waiting period wouldnot cut down the offense rate since it would non impact the bulk of felons who could purchaseguns illicitly while impacting the observant citizens # 8217 ; Second Amendment right to buy a gunfor athleticss and runing intents. In response to this statement, Mitchell and his other pro-BradyDemocrats maintained that developing a package for a national blink of an eye background checksystem would take old ages, and even if it was available, instant cheques would non work every bit adeterrent to hot-blooded offenses by those without condemnable records. Mitchell called the Stevens # 8217 ; progr am # 8220 ; a transparent attempt to extinguish the waiting period, # 8221 ; 6 stating that it was merely a pretense tothe populace to back gun command while really barricading it. On June 28, the Senate rejected the Stevens # 8217 ; amendment by the ballot of 44-54 with allbut nine Democrats, all from Southern or rural provinces, voting against it. The 54 ballots, nevertheless, were non plenty for the Brady advocators since they would necessitate 6 more ballots to halt a possibleGOP filibuster. On the other manus, filibustering was non the best solution for the GOPopponents neither, since in making so, they would hold to give the offense measure they wanted. Resulting from this state of affairs was a via media by Mitchell, Metzenbaum, and the GOPleader Bob Dole ( R-KS ) . In this via media, the length of the waiting period was changedfrom seven yearss to five concern yearss, and a new proviso was added which would stop thewaiting period in two and a half old ages upon the Attorn ey General # 8217 ; s verification that the instantcheck system met certain criterions. However, it was the six ballots that determined the fateof the Brady measure in the 102nd Congress. The Senate failed to take concluding action before the terminal ofthe 1991 congressional session, and even with the transition in the House, the Brady measure still hadto wait two more old ages for its concluding transition. In the 103rd Congress ( House ) In 1993, the twelvemonth in which the Brady measure got enacted, there was a turning national tidefavoring stricter gun control. The Brady advocates were cheerful with an outlook that thelong-debated measure would eventually go through that twelvemonth. The rush in the public support was assuring ; aCNN/USA Today/Gallup Poll conducted during March 12 through 14 showed that 88 percentof their 1,007 respondents favored the bill.7 The gun control advocates besides had two significantvictories in two States ; in Virginia, a statute law was passed cu rtailing pistol purchases to onegun purchase per month, and in New Jersey, the NRA and other gun rights advocates lost intheir attempt to revoke the province # 8217 ; s prohibition on selling assault rifles. Furthermore, the 103rd Congresshad a pro-Brady president. In contrast to Bush, a longtime NRA member, President Clintonopenly expressed his support for the measure ; in his address to Congress on February 17, he said: # 8220 ; Ifyou pass the Brady measure, I # 8217 ; ll certain mark it. # 8221 ; Confronting this countrywide pro-Brady tide, Even the NRAshowed a little alteration in its linguistic communication ; James Jay Baker, the top NRA lobbyist, said that hisorganization might be able to O.K. certain version of the bill.8 In this favourable ambiance, the Brady measure was introduced in the103rd Congress in theHouse as HR 1025 on February 22, 1993 by Schumer and 98 other cosponsors, referred to theJudiciary Committee. The president of the Committee, Jack Brooks ( D-TX ) a greed to maintain thebill separate from his other overall offense statute law ( HR 3131 ) , promoting the Bradysupporters with a hope to go through the measure before the scheduled Thanksgiving dissolution. By thedirection of the Rules Committee, the House voted on the House Resolution 302, a ruleproviding for the floor consideration of the Brady measure, O.K.ing it by the ballot of 238-182. Aswritten, the measure provided for a five-day waiting period upon pistol purchases every bit good as theestablishment of a national instant felon background cheque system. The measure besides had aprovision necessitating that the waiting period stage out upon the Attorney General # 8217 ; s blessing of theviability of the countrywide instant cheque. The measure by so already represented a compromisebetween the Brady waiting period and the NRA blink of an eye check.On the floor, the GOP oppositions proposed a series of amendments. George W. Gekas ( R-PA ) offered an amendment stoping the waitin g period after five old ages from its enforcementregardless of the viability of the replacement instant cheque system. Schumer argued that the Gekas # 8217 ; alleged sundown proviso was an unrealistic deadline, indicating out the changing condemnable recordkeeping of each States. However, Gekas and other advocates of the amendment insisted thatthe sundown proviso was necessary in order to coerce the Justice Department to set up the computing machine cheque system quickly. The Gekas # 8217 ; amendment prevailed on a 236-98 ballot. McCollum proposed an amendment which would revoke the bing State waitingperiods on the installment of the national blink of an eye cheque system. Some States had alreadyadopted waiting periods, and the Brady bill would not affect those states having a waiting periodof more than five days. McCollum claimed that his proposal would make the bill much fairerand more balanced, and assured that it would not affect other State gun laws such as Virginia’sone gun purchase per month legislation. However, meeting with strong opposition fromSchumer and others, this amendment preempting State laws was rejected 175-257. There wasanother amendment proposed by Jim Ramstad (R-MN) requiring the police to provide within 20days a reason for any denial of a handgun purchase. This amendment was accepted bySchumer, and was adopted easily by the vote of 431-2. The House proceeded to voted on the Brady bill on Nov. 10. Just before the vote, thechief sponsor Schumer encouraged other Representatives on the floor to vote for the bill, saying:†today’s votes gives the House of Representatives a real chance to stem the violence on our streets and calm the fear of our citizens.† The bill was passed by the House. It was the secondtime for the House to pass the Brady bill, and this time, the vote was 238-189. Passage in the SenateIn the Senate, the Brady bill was introduced as S 414 by Metzenbaum on February 24,1993, referred to the Judiciary Committee and placed on the calendar on March 3. The bill wasalmost identical to the Dole-Metzenbaum-Mitchell compromise approved by the Senate in June1991, requiring a five-day waiting period on handgun purchases which was to be removed oncean instant check system became operational. After a long negotiation, the Senate agreed to takeup the bill separately from the overall crime bill,9 which paved the way for the floor considerationof the bill on November 19. However, the threat of the unsatisfied GOP opponents to block the bill led to anagreement between the Majority Leader Mitchell and the Minority Leader Dole. Under thisagreement, the two leaders was to offer a substi tute, and the Senate would then vote on theHouse-passed version of the Brady bill (HR 1025) with the text of the substitute inserted in lieuthereof. The Mitchell-Dole substitute included two new provisions: the sunset provision and thepreemption provision, both of which had been sought by the NRA. The sunset provision wasidentical to the Gekas amendment passed by the House which would end the waiting period fiveyears, and the preemption provision was the same as the McCollum amendment rejected by theHouse. At the beginning of the debate on November 19, Mitchell made it clear that he hadagreed to cosponsor this bipartisan compromise as a procedural means to move the long-debated Brady bill through the Senate. The Majority Leader then declared that he would nowmove on to eliminate those two provisions with which he totally disagreed. The Mitchell-Doleagreement provided, however, that if either or both of those provisions were to be stricken, theRepublican opponents would then block th e bill, which meant that the Brady proponents wouldneed at least 60 votes to stop the GOP filibuster to pass the bill and send it to the House.Mitchell and his other Democratic proponents succeeded to pass an amendment striking thepreemption language of the Mitchell-Dole substitute on a vote of 54-45. The other amendmentproposed by Metzenbaum to strike the sunset provision, however, was defeated 43 -56. TheSenate then moved on to the consideration of the Mitchell-Dole substitute with one provisionthus amended. Throughout the debate, the proponents spoke fervently in support of the bill. EdwardM. Kennedy (D-MA) argued that it was time to take action against the epidemic of gun violencein the country, showing shocking statistics which demonstrated the increasing number of gun-related crimes and deaths. He claimed that the waiting period would not only curb the spread ofguns by keeping the lethal weapons out of the hands of convicted felons, but it would alsoreduce the crimes committed in the heat of the moment by providing a cooling off period. Senators whose States had already adopted waiting periods demonstrated with data that thewaiting period had already been proven to work in stopping a significant number of handgunpurchases by convicted felons. Dianne Feinstein (D-CA) showed that her State’s 15-daywaiting period stopped 8,060 convicted felons, 1859 drug users, 827 people with mentalillnesses as well as 720 minors from purchasing a gun during January 1991 and September1993. The freshman Senator from California maintained that even though her State’s crime ratewas â€Å"unacceptably† high, it could have been much worse without the legislation. Dole and other GOP opponents, however, insisted that they would continue their effortsto thwart the passage of the bill unless the preemption language was included. Mitchell promptlyrejected the GOP demand, criticizing the double principles of those who, having once insistedthat they could not supp ort the Brady bill because it was the Federal Government telling theStates what to do, turned around and said that they now liked the preemption. Metzenbaumjoined in the argument against the GOP opponents, saying they were blocking the bill â€Å"becausethey were scared to death of the National Rifle Association,† and calling their demand for thepreemption provision â€Å"an effort to kill the bill.† Both sides did not yield, and with two cloturemotions having failed to quash the Republican-led filibuster, one in the afternoon (57-42) and theother at 11 o’clock at night (57-41), the Brady bill was thought by many dead again in theSenate. It was the dissatisfaction of a handful of Republicans with the outcome and their dread ofbeing blamed for killing this popular legislation that saved the life of the Brady bill. The followingday, the discontent of those Republicans who decided to cast a straight vote sent Dole to thenegotiating table again, where he was forced to settle down with a new compromise whichcarried no preemption language. It was actually identical to the one that he and other GOPopponents had filibustered the day before except for the change in the sunsetting period; thecompromise bill would end the waiting period four years after its enforcement, instead of fiveyears, with a possible extension for another year upon the Attorney General’s request. Consequently, by unanimous consent, the Senate agreed to vote on the House-passedversion of the Brady bill (HR 1025) with the text of the compromise inserted in lieu thereof, andalso to request a conference with the House to reconcile the differing versions of the Brady bill.The Brady bill (HR 1025) as amended was passed easily on a vote of 64 to 36, and sent backto the House with a request for a conference. Toward the passageOn November 22, the House agreed to the request of the Senate for a conference uponthe adoption of House Resolution 322 by the vote of 238-187. The confer ees were appointedby the Chairs of each chambers: Brooks, Hughes, Schumer, Sensenbrenner, and Gekas fromthe House and Joseph R. Biden. Jr. (D-DE), Kennedy, Metzenbaum, Orrin G. Hatch (R-UT),and Larry E. Craig (R-ID) from the Senate. Later, Senate Republicans replaced Hatch andCraig with Stevens and Dirk Kempthorne (R-ID). The outcome was a conference report whichpreserved the House 5-year sunset of the waiting period with no provisions for the AttorneyGeneral to replace it with the instant check system before then. Several Senate-passedprovisions had also been dropped: the provision expanding the definition of antique firearmsexempt from gun restrictions to include thousands of functioning World War era rifles, and theone allowing gun sales between dealers from different states. A new provision was added in thereport which would require that the police be notified of multiple purchases.Soon after the conference, the chief Senate negotiator Biden explained how they got tothe conferen ce report. According to his statement, at the beginning of the conference, Stevens,a member of the NRA board of directors, announced that the only acceptable outcome for theSenate Republican conferees, Kempthone and himself, would be the Senate-passed version ofthe Brady bill unchanged. The Senate bill had a provision ending the waiting period as early astwo years after the enforcement if the instant background check met certain standards. All ofthe House conferees including the House Republican conferees rejected that demand, which ledto the adoption of the conference report accepted by all the House conferees, Republicans andDemocrats alike, and the Senate Democratic conferees. Thus, the conference report was madewith Stevens and Kempthorne casting dissenting votes.The House approved the conference report (H. Rept. 103-412) easily on a vote of238-187. In the Senate, however, after the explanation on the conference report, Dole andother Republican opponents fired at Biden with accu sations that he and other DemocraticSenate conferees completely ignored the wishes of the Senate in the conference. Dole said, â€Å"Idon’t think that under these conditions, cloture will be invoked this year or next year.†10 Throughout the day November 23, the hostile atmosphere occupied the Senate floor asthe debate continued. Majority Leader Mitchell declared that he was determined to force theissue to another vote during the year even though it would mean the post-Thanksgiving sessionwhich nobody wanted. Later in the day, he presented two cloture motions for November 30and December 1.The breakdown of the impasse came the following day, November 24, when Doleagreed to accept the terms of the conference report under a compromise that he would submit aseparate bill with the Senate-passed provisions, which was to be considered and votedimmediately in January as soon as the Senate returned to business. Obviously, this solution wasprompted by the loathing of most senator s to come back from their respective States toWashington after Thanksgiving break as well as by the pro-Brady public pressure.Consequently, the Senate approved the conference report by unanimous consent. After seven years of debate, the Brady bill was finally passed by the 103rd Congress.President Clinton, as he had promised, signed the bill into law on November 30, and the Bradybill became Public Law 103-159. Beyond the passageThree years have passed since the passage of the Brady bill, but the fight of Jim andSarah Brady and other gun control advocates still continues for stricter gun control legislation. Inearly 1994, they succeeded in passing the assault weapons ban with the Brady momentum, butsince then the NRA has intensified its lobbying, declaring to repeal the gun control legislation. In1994 elections, for example, the NRA spent $3.2 million to get its supporters elected.11 The last1996 election was also a victory for the NRA in that many of its supporters got re-elected ev enthough their member Dole was defeated by Clinton in the Presidential race. Their most powerfulsupporter in the Congress is probably the House Speaker Newt Gingrich (R-GA), who oncewrote in his letter to the NRA chief lobbyist Tanya Metaksa: â€Å"As long as I am Speaker of thisHouse, no gun control legislation is going to move in committee or on the floor of this House.†12Even with the GOP majority in Congress, however, it is sure that NRA supporters will face amajor obstacle in the newly-reelected President Clinton, who has declared: â€Å"For all the thingsthat will be debated, you can mark my words, the Brady law and the assault weapons bill arehere to stay. They will not be repealed.13? Currently, the Supreme Court is hearing a lawsuit filed by NRA-backed gun controlopponents. They claim that the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act violates the 10thAmendment of the Constitution which protects state and local government from certain federalinterference. The NRA says i t wants to repeal the waiting period as well as the backgroundchecks,14 which reveals the organization’s true intention when it supported the backgroundchecks in its fight against the passage of the Brady bill. The battle between the NRA and theHandgun Control Inc. will continue with the NRA supporters leading the Congress andPresident Clinton challenging them with the veto power. Nevertheless, the Brady bill, with itsunwavering public support, will be the hardest bill to repeal. The passage of the Brady bill of 1993 is one of the best case studies of the legislativeprocess in the U.S. Congress. The seven year history of the bill demonstrated how partisanpolitics played a crucial role in the outcome of the bill, and how difficult it was to make bipartisancompromises to move the bill through Congress. In concluding this research report, I would like to express my deepest respect for thosewho worked hard for the passage of the Brady bill, including Jim and Sarah Brady.